EMBODYING POPULAR PIETY : CODE OF CONDUCT AND DEATH ANNIVERSARY IN THE T

This paper investigates how the code of conducts and devotion to the leaders develop in the Sufi orders, and how these shape the notion of “popular piety”, by paying a particular attention to the T|arīqah Qādiriyyah Wa Naqshbandiyyah (TQN) in Mranggen, Central Java. This article starts with highlighting the ways in which the leaders of the TQN prescribe a set of rules of conduct, and how this set of rules is grounded on “web of beliefs and practices” of the community in question. It also delves into the ways in which the followers acknowledge this code of conduct, on the one hand, and respect their living and death leaders, on the other hand. It argues that code of conduct and leaders‟ death anniversary contribute to the moulding of popular piety within the Muslim community, in general, and among members of the TQN in particular.


Introduction
SUFISM is reckoned as playing a significant part in Islamisation.The nine saints (Walisongo), who are believed to be prominent figures in disseminating the Islamic faith throughout the Archipelago, were considered as Sufis.A number of specialists 1 explain that it was the teaching of Sufism -which is in accordance with local tradition -that has attracted the people of the Archipelago to embrace the Islamic faith.
The phenomenon of the dissemination of Islam via Sufism, in particular after the thirteenth century, was in line with the common state of the Muslim world at that time.For some scholars, since the Persian scholar Abū Hammad ibn Muh} ammad al-Ghazālī (1058-1111), it is Sufism that has influenced the Muslim world more than anything else.In the opinion of some scholars, the overthrow of Baghdad in 1258 likewise marked the prevalence of the Sufi orders throughout the Muslim world, since among others the Sufi missionaries were compelled to depart from Baghdad and to look for other places to propagate their respective doctrines 2 -and this, according to some scholars, fostered the so-called "internationalisation of Sunni Islam". 3The return to Sunni orthodoxy that was clearly observable after the twelfth century seems to have reached its peak during the subsequent periods, especially the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. 4t is worth remarking, however, that the Sufi order can be regarded as a further development of Sufism embodied in the form of spiritual association in which the modes of ritual and the relationship between the disciple and the master are prescribed.One publication5 explains that the dissemination of Islam in the Indonesian Archipelago is remarkable in the sense that the intensive process of Islamisation in this Archipelago began in the course of the thirteenth century when the t\ arīqah was at its peak.One should note that the t\ arīqah is the final development of Sufism.
Another study on Sufism explains that although trade was regarded as having conveyed Islam to Java, it was religious leaders (especially Sufis) and Muslim rulers who were in charge of the setting up of Islam as the religion of Java. 6Javanese people had been acquainted with the mystical tradition, and were inclined to embrace Islam because of their affinity to magical rituals and powerful mysticism which had been introduced by the Muslim mystics. 7t is of particular interest to see how the veneration and devotion to the leaders develop in the Sufi orders in the Indonesian archipelago.This article pays a particular attention to the T| arīqah Qādiriyyah Wa Naqshbandiyyah (TQN) in Mranggen, Central Java.The development and general features of the TQN will be highlighted, with a particular attention to the TQN in Mranggen, Central Java.The discussion on the notion of "popular piety" will be also provided since this will reveal us a better understanding on code of conduct and leaders" death anniversary.The discussion on leaders" death anniversary and code of conduct towards the master in the TQN constitute the main body of this paper.These two notions will be portrayed with the framework of "popular piety".during his life in Mecca. 16Unfortunately these sources do not offer any information on the duration of his studies in Mecca.Probably van Bruinessen means that Muslih did not study in Mecca for a long period, as was common for his contemporaries.
Muslih wrote a number of books, primarily about Sufism.One of his works which does not deal with Sufism is Sullam alsibyān fī tarjamah hidāyah al-wildān, which is a Javanese translation of the Arabic book on nah\ w (Arabic grammar).The other is Inārah al-z} alām fī 'aqā'id al-'awwām, which can be placed in the realm of Islamic theology.In addition, he wrote a popular treatise entitled Fadhilah Sholawat (The virtue of S} alawāt 17 ).
In the case of Mranggen, it is quite obvious that Muslih cannot be considered the pioneer of the TQN in this particular area.There was Ibrahim Yahya who initiated the propagation of the TQN in this area.All centres of the TQN in this area are usually attached to Ibrahim Yahya.We can name some of the most prominent students of this sheikh, namely "Abd al-Rahman al-Mannuri (who spread the TQN in his own village, Menur, Mranggen) and "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq (who spread the TQN in his own pesantren in Suburan, Mranggen).
It is also quite apparent that Muslih is not the one who forged the TQN in his pesantren.His father, "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haq, and his older brother Uthman had taught the TQN in the pesantren. 21It is narrated that Muslih also drew the silsilah from his father, "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haq. 22uslih is considered to be the one who developed the TQN until it had gained a large membership, not only in this particular area but also throughout the Archipelago.Muslih succeeded his older brother as the leader of the pesantren (1936-1981), during which time he disseminated the TQN.The TQN under the leadership of Muslih is considered to be the golden age of the TQN of Mranggen.This is due to the belief of a number of people that he was a saint of God.
Muslih assigned a large number of khalīfas which were of importance for the spread of the TQN.Ahmad Mutahhar ibn "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq, M.S. Lutfi al-Hakim ibn Muslih, Muhammad Ridwan, and "Abd al-Rahman ibn Ahmad Badawi were among his khalīfas in Mranggen, who were entrusted to lead the communal recollection of God"s names (tawajjuhan) and to initiate the candidates after his death. 23yafi"i makes a point of the fact that when Muslih died, his son-in-law "Abd al-Rahman ibn Ahmad Badawi succeeded him as the leader of TQN because his two own sons, M.S. Lutfi al-Hakim (d.2004) and Muhammad Hanif, were still too young. 24he khalīfas of Muslih scattered in some parts of Java, West Kalimantan, West Nusa Tenggara, and Riau.It is due to these facts that Muslih is regarded as being ab al-mashāyikh (the father of masters) or shaykh al-murshidīn (the teacher of masters). 25owadays the TQN in Mranggen at least can be found in some pesantrens, most notably the Pesantren Futuhiyyah Mranggen, Ibrahimiyah Brumbung, al-Sharifah Brumbung 26 , al-Rahmaniyah Menur, and the Miftah al-"Ulum Ngemplak. 27Among these pesantrens, the Futuhiyyah is considered to be one which attracts a large membership.
Muhammad Hanif has been the current principal leader of the pesantren and the TQN since the death of his brother, M.S. Lutfi al-Hakim in 2004.Muhammad Hanif, Ahmad Sa"id Lafif ibn M.S. Lutfi al-Hakim, Abd al-Hadi ibn Ahmad Mutahhar ibn "Abd al-Rahman al-Maraqi and Ahmad Zayn ibn Ahmad Mutahhar have been entrusted to lead the tawajjuhan and initiate the candidates into the TQN of the Pesantren Futuhiyyah Mranggen.All these leaders received their ijāza from Ahmad Mutahhar, except Ahmad Sa"id Lafif ibn M.S. Lutfi al-Hakim, who received his ijāza from his father, M.S. Lutfi al-Hakim.Among these four leaders, Muhammad Hanif ibn Muslih and Ahmad Sa"id Lafif ibn M.S. Lutfi al-Hakim are considered as the main leaders.

Popular piety and the veneration towards spiritual leaders
Piety refers to the "manifestations of religious feelings and behaviour that, it seems to us, revolved around two impulses.The first of these is the need for purity, for a feeling of spiritual perfection, which comes from separating oneself from material and carnal thoughts and acts.The second component of piety is the feeling of reverence, the emotions of love, awe and fear that believers direct toward divinity and its attributes". 28einstein and Bell point out that the notion of "popular piety" designates "more or less spontaneous, at least partly autonomous, religious ideas and impulses of men and women who were neither sophisticated doctrinalists nor members of the upper echelon of the clerical hierarchy". 29In line with this, Jacobs conceives popular piety as "popular expression of faith" which is not "sanctioned by the church" or, in other words, not drew from Mashkuri ibn "Abd al-Rahman, who obtained the ijāza from his father "Abd al-Rahman al-Mannuri, the khalīfa of Ibrahim Yahya.
29 Ibid., 5. associated with liturgy. 30This piety often involves "practices of invocation and veneration" most specifically to the saintly figures. 31n the context of Christian societies, popular piety is embodied for instance, in the cult of saints.Weinstein and Bell explain the interplays between the cult of saints and popular piety in the following words: The cult of saints illustrates perfectly how piety embraced the pursuit of spiritual perfection, the feeling of reverence, and the expectation of divine help in this world....the common conception linked all three and held that God bestowed supernatural power upon those who had achieved a high spiritual state.But the chasm between the saint"s quest for an other-worldly perfection and the crowd"s thirst for this-worldly miracles was bridged only imperfectly by medieval dialectic.Venerated for their holiness but invoked for their power, saints stood as reproach to the wonders-seeking crowd even as they served its humble needs. 32cobs depicts popular piety in Italia during the fifteenth and sixteenth century and puts this in the following words: "Devotees are described as weeping, beating their breasts, wailing, and removing whatever they wore that was of valuerings, shawls, cloaks -and placing these things beside an image perceived to be, as one such painting in the Cathedral of Cremona was characterized, particularly apt to heal all ills." 33n the context of Muslim societies, popular piety is often associated with the religious ideas and impulses of the lay people.Saints or Sufis often become the focal point of popular piety.These personages often serve as alternatives to the type of piety which is promoted by the Muslim jurists (faqihs).
Emil"s study on the Egyptian Sufi Poet "Umar ibn al-Farid (1181-1235) clearly demonstrates the linkage between Sufism and popular piety, as he notes that "Ibn al-Farid flourished in Egypt in the 12th to 13th centuries, when Sufi brotherhoods were taking on strongly institutionalised forms and saint shrines were becoming key foci of popular piety". 34insley points out that the Sufi brotherhoods constitute "devotional communities", namely "groups formed primarily as a result of, or in order to cultivate, devotion".Most specifically, these brotherhoods are considered to be instances of "structured devotional communities" due to the fact that in these orders "devotion serves as a central role". 35In this vein, piety is highly observed within the Sufi orders.Grath points out that within the Sufism, features of piety persist "in more concerted and structured form".This mystical tendency within Islam rejects both "worldly compromise and doctrinal formalism within Islam". 36ule of conducts towards Sufi masters underlines and is grounded in "a wider web of practices and beliefs".This web renders meaning to all relations in a given community. 37One may say therefore that understanding saints or Sufi masters help us to understand piety, or more precisely, popular piety, and this comprehension will lead us to our better understanding of society.In this vein, we may perceive "religion as social product". 38he veneration of the members towards the leaders within the Sufi orders often manifest in the festivals and rituals which demonstrate the popular piety associated with the orders and the surrounding societies.It is believed that the charisma of the saints or Sufi masters contributes to the solidity and the sustainability of the order.People venerate the Sufi masters during their lifetimes and after their decease.This veneration is linked to the code of conducts, which is grounded on "web of beliefs and practices" of the society in question.

The code of conduct towards the master in the circle of the Tariqa Qadiriyya wa Naqsbandiyya
In order to grasp more readily the code of conduct towards the master which has developed in the TQN in Mranggen, Central Java, I allude to Muslih"s explanation pertaining to this rule of conduct.This code of conduct includes the following rules: (1) "The disciple should hold the conviction that he will not arrive at the goal without the assistance of the master.He may not have the wish to change his master or look for another master, since it will hinder him from the reception of the flow of God"s grace (al-fayd} al-rahmānī).Shoud he so desire, he must first ask consent from the master.He may look for another master if he finds that his master has violated the prescriptions of Islamic law". 39ne practitioner stated that he had observed the practices of the TQN for a couple of years under a particular master.One day his father asked him to join another t\ arīqah and recommended that he ask permission of the former sheikh prior to joining.This practitioner then asked the consent of the former sheikh, and fortunately the former sheikh allowed him to join another t\ arīqah.The disciple observed both the practices of the TQN and of another t\ arīqah, even until he was appointed khalīfa of the latter t\ arīqah.
In the history of the TQN in Indonesia, we notice the phenomenon of mass changes of master.A number of adherents of the TQN left their former master, since this master was affiliated to a political party, which was uncommon in the circle of pesantren and t\ arīqah at that time.The opponents of this master claimed that it was a case of an "invalid chain of spiritual authorities", as a reason for this change of master.This reason was more acceptable in the circle of t\ arīqah than that of affiliation to a political party. 402)."The disciple must not to be in a hurry to interpret dreams or other indications, even if he is smarter than the master.He is to tell them to his master, and to wait patiently for the answer.Even if the master does not provide the answer, the disciple has to be silent.He has to be convinced that there will always be a good purpose and secret wisdom behind the master"s actions". 41lassic Sufi literature mentions the transparency that the disciple should maintain before his master.Al-Qushayrī, for instance, suggests that the disciple should not hide anything, not even the slightest concern or thought.The master is believed to possess a special keenness of sight (firāsa), on whether the disciple"s thoughts, dreams, and visions originate from Satan or from God. 42 In other words, such transparency helps lessen the possibility that the disciple will go astray while on the spiritual path.
(3). "The disciple is to be humble before the master, for instance in a meeting held by the master.He is not to raise many questions or start a discussion.If he does so, it is a sign of bad manners, which may lead him to become hindered from spiritual development". 43he teacher-disciple relationship in Islamic mystical tradition accentuates the obedience of the disciple to the master, which is considered able to trigger the flow of God"s blessing (musabbib al-baraka).At such a point, curiosity and critical thought are not encouraged, since spiritual experiences are inaccessible to human reason alone.
(4)."The disciple is not to come to the house of the master unscheduled.Instead he has to inquire from the master which time suits him prior to a visit.It is stressed that maintaining bad manners will hinder the disciple from the disclosure of wisdom and knowledge". 44he notion of unveiling wisdom and knowledge has become the key term in the circle of Sufism and the pesantren.It is widely held that the disciples" mastery of religious doctrines and knowledge is to some extent contingent on the disclosure granted by God (besides their own rational capacity).
(5). "If the disciple wishes to pass on the sayings of his master to someone else, he has to consider the spiritual preparedness of the recipient.He also has to consider which sayings are permitted by his master to be conveyed to others". 45ne leader of the TQN, Ahmad Zain ibn Ahmad Mutahhar, asserted that the disciple is not to reveal to other persons the teachings of his master, particularly those pertaining to spiritual reality (h\ aqīqa). 46Another leader of the TQN, Wahab Mahfudhi, 47 explained that one needs a silsila prior to disseminating and teaching the doctrines of the t\ arīqah.
An obvious message is that no one can claim to be able to teach the doctrines of the t\ arīqah, even if he has mastered the theoretical aspects of the t\ arīqah, before he obtains permission from an authoritative teacher.Even if he has obtained permission, he has to consider the readiness and the level of his disciples.The disciples should do the same: they are not to explain things to others, even to fellow disciples, if they deem (in their own opinion) this particular doctrine to be inappropriate.A disciple has likewise to consider which sayings are permitted by his master to be conveyed to others.It is believed by the Sufis that conveying the teachings of the t\ arīqah to those unprepared is comparable to putting poison into their souls. 44 (6)."The disciple has to adopt an attitude of sincerity and maintain his love for the master.If the master passes away, the disciple may not marry his widow.He may marry the daughter of his master with the intention of rendering a service (khidma) to the master". 48ne may have an impression that this sort of etiquette is comparable to that of the companions in relation to the Prophet.However, this does not fall into the category of a religious obligation, since we do not find any supporting religious text, but the suggestion of not marrying the widow of the master is still valuable as the disciple"s proof of veneration to his master.The notion of khidma (rendering a valuable service) to the master still constitutes one of the key terms in these codes of conduct.This notion includes a service that a client should render to the patron.
(7). "The disciple has to be compassionate to the children of his master and treat them like his brothers and sisters as evidence of his reverence for the master, since the master is essentially his spiritual father". 49n Sufi literature, discipleship is often referred to as "spiritual birth" (al-wilāda al-ma"nawiyya)," 50 because during this period the soul is left in an immature state and blossoms under the supervision of the master.The term "spiritual father" (ab ma"nawī) for the teacher is also used by such medieval Islamic thinkers as Ikhwān al-S} afā". 51The notion of "spiritual father" extends beyond the boundaries of the Islamic mystical tradition.be followed by the disciple.In one of these conditions, he mentions that the disciple should not question his master"s deeds even in his heart.Al-Khānī refers to the story of the prophet Khid} r 52 and the prophet Mūsā, to underline the obedience of the disciple towards his master. 53The story of Khid} r (in addition to the story of the encounters of the companions with the prophet Muh} ammad) has become a prototype of the relationship between the disciple and the master in the circle of the t\ arīqah.What is being underlined in this story is such qualities as complete obedience, trust, positive thinking and humility.
The figure of Khid} r is often employed to stress the fullest reverence and the positive thinking regarding another person.Al-Khānī, for instance, states that a disciple is not to view another person negatively, but should consider him as Khid} r or a saint.Al-Khānī likewise hints that the disciple is to see himself as the lowest being. 54In the Sufi point of view, learning to have positive thinking for the master is a step towards positive thinking for other creatures and, above all, for God.
The Sufi authors often accentuate the necessity for obedience, humility (even thinking of oneself as the lowest being) and thinking positively about others as prerequisites for obtaining the flow of God"s blessing which could otherwise not be encountered through rationality alone.Seen from another angle, such qualities can be considered to mean "controlling" or "postponing" one"s ego and rationality, in order to provide a space for the activation of another capacity, namely intuition or the eye of the heart, which is of importance for the perfection of one"s spirituality.
The Naqshbandī scholar Ah} mad D{ iyā" al-Dīn Gümüs} haneli describes a code of behaviours to be applied by the disciple 52 The prophet Khid} r is often considered the prototypical saint (See, Trimingham, The Sufi Orders, 224.)The figure of Khiḍr is central in Sufism, and accordingly one Sufi author used the name of this figure as the title of his book ("Abd al-Wahhāb al-Sha"rānī al-Mīzān al-Khidhriyyah (Egypt: "Ālam al-Fikr, 1989).
towards his master. 55Another Naqshbandī scholar, al-Khānī, has created a set of rules of conduct to be observed by the disciple towards his master: he states that there are fifteen modes of conduct which the majority of the Sufis adhere to. 56hen we look at these rules, we become aware that there is an affinity between al-Khānī"s and Muslih"s explanations.This includes at least two possibilities.First, Muslih has cited some of his explanations from al-Khānī and other authors.Secondly, Muslih quoted some of his explanations from other authors (which in some ways conform to the explanation of al-Khānī), since most of these rules of conduct had already been agreed upon by most Sufis.Al-Khānī himself, in his explanation on these kinds of conduct, alludes to al-Nafakhāt al-qudsiyya by "Abd al-Wahhāb ibn Ah} mad al-Sha"rānī.This set of rules of conduct (that the disciple should observe towards the master) is therefore not exclusive to the TQN.We come across a parallel set of codes in the Qādiriyya, for instance in "Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlanī"s al-Ghunyah li t\ ālibī t\ arīq al-H{ aqq 'azza wa jalla. 57We can likewise encounter a comparable set of norms in the writings of Naqshbandī authors such as Gümüs\ haneli and al-Khānī.This code has much in common with the one offered by the Sufi author al-Sha"rānī.A glance at the works of the leaders of the TQN shows a high degree of receptiveness to the ideas of al-Sha"rānī (including his ideas on codes of conduct in the t\ arīqah).
The set of codes of conduct in the TQN is in some ways connected to those in the pesantren, which to some extent has been moulded by the Ta"līm al-muta"allim. 58One of the apparent notions that we can observe in the circle of pesantren is khidma (rendering a valuable service to the master).This may be seen as a sort of patron-client relationship, if we wish to employ different terminology.
The attraction of Muslih"s personality in some ways determines the nature of these codes and the way in which they are implemented in the area of Mranggen in particular and Central Java in general.How the codes of conduct are implemented is unique.These codes are supported by the idea of sainthood and traditional Javanese patronage.
Paul claims that the interaction between sheikh and disciple constitutes a keystone of Sufi organisation. 59In the course of the eleventh century, there was an increasing attention to codes of conduct that were meant to regulate interaction between masters and disciples.A master was considered an example for the disciple, and accordingly emulating his behaviour was encouraged.Emulation of a master was (and is) regarded as a precondition for the disciple"s inner transformation. 60ufi training aims to replace the "self-will" with the "divinewill".Learning under the will of the master is considered as the first step in learning to surrender to the will of God.Utter submission to the master is believed to bring the adherent closer to this end. 61The codes of conduct which the disciple should maintain before his master are seen as promoting this aim.
In Sufi circles, surrendering to the will of the master is of significance for the spiritual transmutation of the disciple.This is due to the conviction that power and authority are in the possession of the master, and it is through acts of submission that a disciple can accomplish spiritual ripeness and power. 62latively well accepted in the circle of pesantren, and accordingly contribute to moulding the mode of relationship between the student and the teacher.
One leader of the TQN, Maksum Mahfudhi, related that he had a meeting with his master pertaining to his appointment as khalīfa.He insisted on going to see the sheikh, even though a member of his family has just passed away. 63Another leader of the TQN, Mashkuri ibn "Abd al-Rahman, made a parable of the flow of God"s grace (al-fayd} al-rah\ mānī) with the flow of water in the rain gutter.A disciple has to place himself below the sheikh, or in other words observe a code of conduct in order enable his blessing to flow. 64

Celebration of the leaders' deaths anniversary in the circle of the Tariqa Qadiriyya wa Naqsbandiyya
In the Muslim world, the festivity venerating the death of a leader is frequently termed h\ awliyya.In Indian subcontinent, this sort of festival is termed as 'urs (wedding), since the death of a saint is considered to be the moment of his encounter with God. 65Philippon points out that "in a mystical perspective, this points to his union with God and hence his true birth, providing the occasion for a popular yearly pilgrimage that bestows his identity and authority onto a shrine and delineates his mediatory power in relation to God". 66his festivity is known as hawl to Indonesian Muslims.In the Muslim world, we also encounter a celebration of a leader"s birth (mawlid). 67It is worth remarking the birth anniversary is less familiar than the death anniversary in the Muslim society, in general, and the circle of t\ arīqah, in particular.There is reasoning for the preference of death anniversary over birth anniversary in the t\ arīqah, namely that the Sufis accentuate on thinking about death.The second reasoning is that the Muslims" veneration of the Sufis continues after their death.These Sufis are believed to sustain as the holders of baraka even after their deaths.The third reasoning is that the shrines of the Sufis attract a number of visitors and consequently become the foci of popular piety.
In this regard we may see that the Muslims prefer to celebrate the death anniversary of their Sufi leaders rather than their birth anniversary.In contrast to their position towards the Sufi masters, Muslim society favours to celebrate the birth anniversary of the Prophet rather than his death anniversary.This seems to be based on some reasoning.First, the Muslims underline the living prophetic values that were brought by the Prophet.Second, the Prophet"s birth anniversary signifies his presence and his significance for the betterment of the world.Third, the Prophet"s birth anniversary serves to stimulate the motivation and spirit of the Muslims so as to enhance their position and to defend their dignity.In the Islamic history, we see that the founder of Ayyubia dynasty S} alāh al-Dīn Yūsuf ibn Ayyūb (1137-1193) promoted the celebration of the Prophet"s birth so as to awake the spirits of the Muslims in their struggle against the Crusaders.
In many parts of the Muslim world, we encounter the practices of devotion to the saint, which are sometimes designated as "saint-worship".This kind of devotion includes such practices as visits to the shrine of the saint and celebration of the saint"s death anniversary.The magnitude of the commemoration is tied to spiritual accomplishments of the saint and his genealogical eminence.The saint"s death anniversary offers an opportunity for the Sufi families to meet their followers, enjoy their generosity and render spiritual advice. 68he shrines of the saints attract the attention of the people, since they believe that these saints continue to grant the wishes and to transmit the baraka.These shrines represent the specimens of a cult towards saints.These shrines are taken care by Sufi families and or neighbourhood people. 69During the saint"s death anniversary, these shrines attract more visitors than the normal days.
In Mranggen, Demak, Central Java, we come across at least three outstanding events of commemorating the leaders" death anniversary.These festivities include: (a) the h\ awliyya of Ibrahim Yahya which takes place in the Pesantren Ibrahimiyah Brumbung; (b) the h\ awliyya of "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq al-Maraqi which takes places in the Pesantren Futuhiyyah Mranggen; and (c) the h\ awliyya of "Abd al-Rahman al-Mannuri which is held in the Pesantren Rahmaniyah Menur.
At the occasion of the h\ awliyya of Ibrahim Yahya, his hagiography (manaqib) 70 is narrated orally.This festivity takes place at the Pesantren Ibrahimiyah.It was Muslih who was asked to narrate this story.Nevertheless, we do come across any written hagiography about Muslih, although he was and is revered in the circle of the TQN, most particularly in Central Java.
This is probably due to the Muslih"s veneration towards his master, Ibrahim Yahya.Revering the master, during his life or after his death, constitutes a significant feature of the rules of conduct in the circle of pesantren and t\ arīqah.This likewise holds true for the case of the celebration of death anniversary.Muslih is reported to have urged that the people should not hold any special h\ awliyya for him.He would prefer to be incorporated in the h\ awliyya of his father, "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq al-Maraqi.
This festivity draws the attention of the large number of people, either from the followers of the TQN or from Muslim neighbourhood in general.A great number of students and teachers of the Pesantren Futuhiyah usually attend the celebration, due to their reverence to Ibrahim Yahya, who happened to be the teacher of Muslih.One of the stories told in Ibrahim Yahya"s hagiography is that once he, his students and some members of his family wanted to undertake a pilgrimage to Mecca.Reaching the harbour of Jakarta, the ship in which they were travelling caught fire.Most of the passengers panicked.Nonetheless, Ibrahim Yahya"s disciple and family were able wait until he had completed his supererogatory morning prayer (s\ alāh al-d} uhā).Having finished the prayer, Ibrahim Yahya asked what was going on.His son explained the matter to him.Ibrahim Yahya tried to calm the people by saying that the ship would soon be fine.Then he recited a supplication.Shortly after that the fire was extinguished. 71nother story recorded in this hagiography goes that, once a day, Muslih was visited by a sheikh who asked to be accompanied to visit the grave of Ibrahim Yahya.Muslih picked up the key at the Pesantren Ibrahimiyah and let the guest enter the grave complex.The guest entered the complex and greeted Ibrahim Yahya.Muslih was astounded that he could clearly hear the conversation between the guest and the spirit of Ibrahim Yahya. 72ne sheikh of the TQN, Muhammad Hanif, contended that one of the aims of holding the h\ awliyya is to remind people of death and to remember the pious. 73According to prophetic tradition, "remembering the prophets is a part of devotion, recollecting the pious may lessen one"s sins; thinking of death is alms; thinking about the grave can draw one closer to heaven".This h} adīth has likewise become part of the recitation of the hagiography, 74  74 Manāqib (often translated as hagiography) is a genre of biographical works which possesses a distinctive feature, namely striving to reveal the merits, virtues and remarkable deeds of the person concerned.Accordingly, the manāqib may be called a laudatory biography.This genre is often employed to depict the lives of saints and other venerated figures.As far as they are concerned, with the saints or Sufis the manāqib normally attempts to bring out their miracles.The word manāqib, however, at times appears as a h\ awliyya.It is also employed as an argument for rābit\ a, in particular the phrase "recollecting the pious may lessen one"s sins". 75ne leader of the TQN, Ahmad Sa"id Lafif, asserted that there was no a special h\ awliyya for his late father (who was a descendant of "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq al-Maraqi); instead it would be included in the framework of the h\ awliyya of the family of "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq al-Maraqi in the Pesantren Futuhiyyah.Nonetheless, he did not prohibit the disciples, if there were any who wished to arrange a special h\ awliyya for his late father in their respective places. 76he h\ awliyya of "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq al-Maraqi, which is held at the Pesantren Futuhiyyah Mranggen, is begun with the reading of the Qur"an and lasts until midday prayer (zuhr).The festivity goes on after the evening prayer (isha'), in which the tahlilan 77 and the hagiography of "Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlanī are recited.This celebration catches the attention of the large number of people, either from the followers of the TQN or the Muslim people in general.One may suppose that this is due to the charisma of Muslim, which becomes a magnet for the people attending the celebration.
The last h\ awliyya in Mranggen is that of "Abd al-Rahman al-Mannuri.The festivity takes place at the Pesantren Rahmaniyah Menur.This celebration comprises of recitation of the Qur"anic verses, hearing Islamic teachings from the leaders of the TQN, visiting the shrines of the leaders, and reading the hagiography of al-Jīlanī.This celebration also attracts a large number of people, to attend the celebration.The followers of the TQN and the Muslim people from Mranggen and the adjacent areas come to pay homage to al-Mannuri.The parents of the Pesantren Rahmaniyah"s disciples usually come to and support this celebration.
The hagiography of al-Jīlanī is likewise occasionally read at the communal ritual of the TQN.The recital of the hagiography, however, extends beyond the tradition of t\ arīqah, let alone the TQN.One leader of the TQN, Muhammad Hanif, related that both the recital of the hagiography and the communal ritual of the t\ arīqah aim at the same goal, namely hoping for the barakah of the saints and assistance from God.Many people are attracted to participate in the h\ awliyya since they believe that, "those who love the beloved are likewise loved". 78his corresponds to the saying of one Sufi, that "love of holiness is also a part of holiness". 79ome centres of the TQN (such as the Pesantren Manba" al-Falah, Dawe, Kudus, Central Java) hold a monthly gathering on the eleventh of the Muslim calendar (hijriyya), in which the practitioners most commonly recite the hagiography of "Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlanī.The gathering held on this particular date is found in particular in the Qādiriyya.It corresponds with a range of festivities in honour of al-Jīlanī on 11 Rabī"al-thānī (of the Muslim lunar calendar) in several places in the Muslim world. 80nother publication 81 notes, however, that there are some other t\ arīqahs (like the Rifā"iyya 82 and the Shādhīliyya) which hold their monthly gathering on the eleventh.instance in the case of the festivity commemorating the leaders" death.In the Muslim society, in general, and in the circle of the tariqa, the celebration of leaders" death anniversary is mostly termed h\ awliyya.In Indian subcontinent, this sort of festival is termed as 'urs (wedding), since the death of a saint is considered to be the moment of his encounter with God.
In Mranggen, Demak, Central Java, we come across at least three important events of commemorating the leaders" death anniversary.These festivities include: (a) the h\ awliyya of Ibrahim Yahya which takes place in the Pesantren Ibrahimiyah Brumbung; (b) the h\ awliyya of "Abd al-Rahman ibn Qasid al-Haqq al-Maraqi which is held in the Pesantren Futuhiyyah Mranggen; and (c) the h\ awliyya of "Abd al-Rahman al-Mannuri which takes place in the Pesantren Rahmaniyah Menur.
The leader"s death anniversary provides an opportunity for the Sufi families to meet their followers, enjoy their generosity and render spiritual advice.This festivity draws the attention of the large number of people, either from the followers of the TQN or from the Muslim society in general.A great number of students and parents usually attend and even support the celebration, due to their reverence to the leaders of the TQN and the pesantren.
The hagiography of "Abd al-Qādir al-Jīlanī is likewise occasionally read at the communal ritual of the TQN.The recital of the hagiography, however, extends beyond the tradition of t\ arīqah, let alone the TQN.Many people are attracted to participate in the h\ awliyya since they believe that, "those who love the beloved are likewise loved".
Code of conduct and leaders" death anniversary contribute to the moulding of popular piety within the Muslim community, in general, and among members of the TQN in particular.This piety is concerned with the religious ideas and impulses of the common people which are not associated with liturgy.Saints or Sufis often become the focal points of popular piety.These personages often serve as alternatives to the type of piety which is promoted by the Muslim jurists (faqihs).
which is frequently read on the occasion of